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Welcome to the Care Rehabilitation Center, part of a three-year-old experiment to reform malleable minds who have fallen under the sway of Osama bin Laden’s radical brand of Islam. To get here, jihadis have to demonstrate during a prison interview a readiness to rethink their extremist views. (About 20% of the 1,875 holy warriors invited to participate have refused.)

The program, developed by a team of Islamic scholars, psychiatrists and sociologists, tries to convince these men of their mistakes and make them productive members of Saudi society, which has been rocked by terrorism: al-Qaeda attacks have killed 144 people there over the past four years. By not treating the detainees as criminals, the center seeks to avoid reinforcing their radicalism and turning them into role models for more jihadis.

[Once] deemed fit for release, [they] will be sent home and, like the 700 or so others who have been discharged by the center, monitored indefinitely. Ex-detainees are given a monthly stipend–typically about $700–and sometimes a new car. Family members are enlisted to help watch over these men, who are strongly encouraged to start families of their own. Having children, the thinking goes, lessens the temptation to rejoin the jihad, which is why the program makes available upwards of $20,000 for an ex-detainee’s wedding.

The Saudi government claims the program has been hugely successful, and security officials from other Arab countries have visited to see if the model might work for them.

From here

Reminds me of the “soft” approach, shown by the Indonesian police chief towards the Bali bombers, which created a huge roar of protest from Australia, bar one response. Interestingly, Australia, which has banned the death penalty in 1973, would be “let down” if the bombers were not executed; a response to the argument on the death penalty statute in Indonesia. Of course, Australia does not feel the same way about Australians on death row in Indonesia.

AUSTRALIANS would feel “let down” if the Bali bombers on death row were not executed, Prime Minister John Howard said yesterday.

He said a shift from capital punishment had “been festering” for some time in Indonesia, where a legal challenge to the death penalty was under way. “I think there would be a sense of letdown if that was the sentence delivered, but not carried out,” Mr Howard said on the anniversary of the 2002 bombings, in which 88 Australians were killed. He expressed “outrage” that two of the Bali bombers were allowed out of jail to attend a function for rehabilitated radicals hosted by Indonesia’s anti-terrorism chief last month.

Indonesian security forces had adopted a “soft power” way to co-opt reformed radicals.

Bali’s former police chief, General I Made Mangku Pastika, urged Australians to understand that unorthodox methods could yield results. “That is one of the tactics in the investigation,” he said of the function.

Some analysts have commended the Indonesian Government approach.

“The Indonesian police have had outstanding successes over the last couple of years because of the modus operandi they’ve deployed, and in many senses it’s been very innovative,” said Neil Fergus, a security expert who heads the consultancy Intelligent Risks.

Indonesia’s Constitutional Court will rule at the end of the month on a challenge to the death penalty by several Australians from the Bali nine drug smuggling ring on death row.

Mr Howard’s comments contrasted yesterday with those of the parliamentary secretary for foreign affairs, Greg Hunt, who said that the Government “respected” the gains made by Indonesian police in befriending convicted terrorists.

Hosting some of the Bali bombers at a fast-breaking feast was “not how we would have done it”, he said. “There are many people in Australia who would have deep reservations.”

But he added: “We respect the fact that the Indonesian Government has had success in seeking co-operation in ways which would not occur in Australia.”

He denied that the endorsement of executions for terrorists undermined attempts to spare members of the Bali nine. “We will be unrelenting in standing up for Australians,” he said.

As for the other Guantanamo, the whistleblower, Lt Cmdr Matthew Diaz is learning that no good deed goes unpunished.

On May 18 this year, after a weeklong trial, a panel of seven naval officers convicted Diaz on four of five counts, including one of disclosing secret defense information that “could be used to the injury of the United States or to the advantage of a foreign nation.” By then, nearly two and a half years after Diaz had left Guantánamo, the politics of detention policy had shifted. The detainees’ names had been released under the Freedom of Information Act. The Supreme Court had ruled against the administration once more, upholding the minimum standards of the Geneva Conventions and derailing the military commissions. The president declared that he would like to close Guantánamo as soon as possible.

Diaz did not testify during the trial. But in a statement to the jurors before he was sentenced, he sounded overcome by remorse. “I didn’t want to make waves and jeopardize my career,” he told the jurors, who could have sent him to prison for 13 years. “I am disgraced. I am ashamed. I let the Navy down.” After three hours of further deliberation, the jurors issued a notably light sentence of six months’ imprisonment and dismissal from the military.

http://roundingupthesquares.blogspot.com/2007/10/saudi-guantanamo.html

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Since the murder of Abdullah Azzeam in 1989, Osama bin Laden has been the backbone and principal driving force in Al Qaeda. Although the ultimate goal and ultimate goals has always been the reestablishment of the Caliphate, Osama began supporting campaigns against “false” Muslim rulers ( e.g. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Takijistan , Uzbekistan, Algeria) and assisting Muslims victimized by Muslim regimes ( e.g Phillipines, Kashmir, Bosnia and Chechnya). Al Qaeda also forged a coalition linking fellow Militant Islamists from the Abu Sayat groups of the Phillipines to the Islamic Group of Egypt and GIA. Those Al Qaeda cadres who were dispatched to help these causes were vanguard fighters and the most accomplished trainers. In Chechnya they constituted the Al Ansar ( the followers of the Mahdi were known as the Ansar) mujahadin the fiercest of the three main mujahidin groups responsible for almost all of the suicide bombings . In Bosnia the Al Qaeda trained mujahidin regarded their European counterparts as not battle trained or zealous enough, and hence developed a jihad manual in order to help them become committed Muslims and better fighters. Al Qaeda’s successes at this point were minimal, given the middle eastern regimes crushing responses, involving executions, mass jailings without trial and skillful surveilance and disruption of Islamist activity.

When the group was formed it was known as “Al Qaeda” and the “Islamic Army” but Osama discouraged the use of the term and terms.  His then immediate deputy was an Iraqi, Abu Ayoub  al – Iraqi who was appointed Emir.  Having distinguished himself in battle against the Soviets, including at the front line as Kaji , he converted the first recruitment meeting of Al Qaeda.  This was held at Farook camp in Khost, Afghanistan in late 1989, when a few trusted vetrans of the Afghan campaign indoctrinated before being trained elsewhere to fight the Russians.  Abu Ayoub al Iraui , arrived for the meeting accompanied by his brother Yasin , whereabouts he argued that training should continue even after the expulsion of the Soviets due to need to relieve the sufferings of Muslims around the world.   Those who wished to join were given a form in triplicate and invited to sign and swear before an internal committee.  Among those present including those using the Al Qaeds pseudonym were  Al-Aawari ( alias Dr. Abdel Moez), the leader of the Islamic Jihad Dr. Fahdl, el Masary  an Egyptian surgeon, Abu Ubaduah al-Banshiri, formerly and Egyptian police officer, Muhammedad Atef of Egypt, Jamal Ahmed al Fadl ( alias Abu Bakr Sudani)

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Despite seeing over 100 suspected Al Quaeda activists arrested in North America and Europe in the six months after the september 11 attacks , Al Qaeda has regenerated new cells as well as sustaining many of the older and preexisting ones. Nor has the severe disruption of Al Qaeda’s command and control system in Afghanistan in late 2001 and early 2002 permanently dampened or crippled it. Although it has been weakened on a practical level, its ideology remains unaffected and will continue to draw Muslims, especially young ones, to Al Qaeda’s ideal of jihad against the unbelievers. What radical moslems previously lacked was organization, which Al Qaeda and several other Islamist groups have built and sustained quietly amid great secrecy.

Al Qaeda got off to a good start; it inherited a fully fledged training and operational structure that had been funded by the U.S. European, Saudi Arabian and other governments throughout the 1980’s, while for recruitment it drew on a vast mujahadin database originally created by Osama bin Laden for tracking martyred or “missing: mujahadin in the later stages of the anto- Soviet Jihad.

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Its mobility and capacity for regeneration were best illustrated after Al Qaeda lost its valued regions of Pakistan in July 1999. Promptly it relocated its strategic and logistical headquarters and bases of organization to Afghanistan , leaving it if anything in a most vibrant position than beforehand. Next after the American intervention into the Afghani theatre from October 2001 onwards its regional nodes provided leadership , logistics , recruitment and training to the worldwide global networks.

Thus life went on undisturbed for Al Quaeda as it metamorphed and unfolded again , again and yet again.

Al Quaeda’s predecessor and original heritage source in the Islamist world lay in the Islamist movements that were opposed to harsh regimes in the middle east – whether they be that of Egypt, Algeria or Saudi Arabia. From it formation Al Queada did not deal with the likes of the American Civil Rights Organization (A.C.L.U.) but rather had to think and adapt for its life on a regular , if not daily basis in order for its very survival.

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You probably don’t realize it, but we are living in an unprecedented historical moment. For the first time, Belgium has managed to be interesting without getting invaded by Germany or abusing an African colony.
What’s so interesting? In short: Belgium is coming apart at the seams. For four months, its 11 political parties have been unable to form a national government because the Dutch-speaking regions want greater autonomy, or even outright independence.

Primarily split between Dutch-speaking Flemings and French-speaking Walloons, Belgium was formed as a constitutional monarchy where the non-French speakers were mostly treated as second-class citizens. Even today, 177 years later, there are no national figures or national political parties. Each party represents its own ethnic, linguistic or regional enclave. But, although the Flemish majority is somewhat more prosperous, the Walloons have a perceived stranglehold on Belgian politics. One is tempted to joke that it’s an Iraq with better weather and waffles.

But it isn’t a mini-Iraq, and not just because they’re not killing one another. It’s more like a mini-European Union. In fact, that’s the one thing everyone can agree on.

No country is more invested in the EU experiment than Belgium, whose capital, Brussels, is also the capital of the EU. If Belgium falls to sectarianism, what does that say about prospects for making Europe into a super-Belgium?

Belgium is a “laboratory,” says Joelle Milquet, the leader of the French-speaking Humanist Democratic Center party and a defender of both a united Belgium and EU. “If 10 million people in a developed country do not manage to build a collective project,” she told Britain’s Telegraph newspaper, “that would signal the bankruptcy of what one tries to build at the European and even international level.”

Paul Belien, a Flemish writer who favors an independent Flanders, agrees. “For me, the Belgian and EU flags are basically the same,” he told the Telegraph. “They are a denial of identity.”

But here’s the hilarious irony of all this: The European Union is in effect subsidizing nationalism in Belgium and across the Continent. As the EU assumes more of the responsibilities of states — regulations, the economy, currency, possibly even defense — the cost of independence becomes lower.

Look at Scotland. The Scots are moving, perhaps inexorably, toward national independence from Britain. A referendum on breaking away could take place as early as 2010 and would likely pass. And why not? Scotland didn’t formally become part of Britain until 1707, when it caved in to English threats to its trade and the free movement of people across the border. Now, thanks to the EU, such threats are illegal. And it’s hardly likely that England would declare war on secessionist Scotland.

A similar process is under way in Kosovo, which wants to break from Serbia (the U.S. backs that idea) and get EU candidacy like Croatia and Macedonia. The Basques in Spain aren’t far behind. In the past, ethnic enclaves probably couldn’t make it on their own. But now the EU provides a safety net.

The catch-22 is delightful. By scaling back the job description of a nation-state to a few ceremonial duties, ethnic minorities see fewer risks and a lot more rewards in breaking away. Countries such as Slovakia get to trade on their votes in the EU and the U.N. They get their own anthems and sports teams and get to teach their own language and culture. It’s like a McDonald’s franchise. You man the register and keep the bathrooms clean, but the folks at corporate HQ do the heavy lifting. That’s why the Basques, Scots and Flemings are looking to open their own franchises. The question is whether the nationalist hunger of such McNations can be satisfied by just the symbolism of autonomy.

This points to why I take so much pleasure in the troubles in Brussels. The EU always made the most sense to Belgians, who have a weak national identity. The myth was that everyone felt the same way.

Indeed, the EU project has always been predicated on self-serving myths. Another is the idea that with greater “understanding” comes greater peace and comity. The Walloons and the Flemings understand each other; they just don’t like each other very much.

But what I really like about the Belgian crisis is that it puts a dent in the myth that Europe represents some enlightened new model exportable to the rest of the globe. After World War II and the Holocaust, a generation of diplomats and intellectuals predicted that nationality, religion and culture would matter less in the New Europe. But wishing didn’t make it so. Obviously, nobody wants the bloody nationalism of early 20th century Europe. But it’s nonetheless gratifying that even on the EU’s Brussels campus, life resists the blueprints of the bureaucrats.

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     To understand the mindset of Al Quaeda’s volunteers one must appreciate their belief system and the group’s ideology which is founded in Islamism and the pursuit of Jihad.  Various Islamists , including Al Qaeda have misinterpreted – or at times reinterpreted  – Jihad as “holy war’.  Lexically jihad is the exertion of one’s utmost effort in order to obtain a goal or repel something detestable,

In the Koran – the Word of God  revealed to the prophet Mohammad – Jihad is used  in several different contexts.  These include and loving the Creator; resisting the pressure of parents peers and society; staying on the straight path steadfastily and striving for religious deeds.

Terrorosism , the deliberate killing of non-combatants is forbidden in the Koran , unless they fall under the categories of conspirators.  And fight in the path of Allah , those who fight you , and do not transgress limits.  Ironically , the religious scholar quoted by  Osama,  Ibn  Taymiyyah also stated:     As for those who cannot offer reistance  or cannot fight , such as women , children , monks , old people, the blind , handicapped and their like, they shall not be killed, unless they actually fight with words, and acts  .

Some jurists are of the opinion that all of them may be killed on the mere ground that they are unbelievers , but they make an exception for women and children  since for Muslims they constitute property.  However the first opinion is the correct one,  because we may only fight those who fight us when we want make to make Allah’s religion victorious.

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In the Koran – the Word of God revealed to the prophet Mohammed- jihad is used in several different contexts. These include recognizing and loving the Creator, resisting the pressure of parents, peers and society ; staying on the straight course steadfastly , striving for religious deeds, having the courage and steadfastiness to convey the message of Islam; defending Islam in the community; helping friends who may may not be Muslim ; removing treacherous rulers from power; defending all of the above through pre-emptive strikes ; winning the freedom to inform, educate and convey the message of Islam in an open and free environment and thus freeing all from tyranny.

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To understand the mindset of Alquaeda’s volunteers one most appreciate their belief system and the group’s ideology, which is founded on Islamism and the pursuit of jihad.  Various Islamists , including Al Quaeda have misinterpreted – jihad as”holy war” .  Lexically , jihad , is the exertion of one’s utmost effort in order to attain a goal or to repel something detestable.  According to Ibm Haibban , “The ( mujahidid) is the one who strives against his self.  In the sharia , jihad comprises the supreme personal sacrifice in order to raise th word of Alah, to aid his fight.  As Abud Dawcud  said  “Perform  jihad against the pagans with your wealth , yourself and your tongues”.  The principal aims of jihad are to remove opression and injustice and to establish well being and truth; and to eliminate barriers to the spread of truth.

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